Judgment, Identity, and Independence

by Cassandra Burke Robertson

Whenever a new corporate or governmental scandal erupts, onlookers
ask, “Where were the lawyers?” Why would attorneys not have advised
their clients of the risks posed by conduct that, from an outsider’s
perspective, appears indefensible? When numerous red flags have gone
unheeded, people often conclude that the lawyers’ failure to sound the
alarm must be caused by greed, incompetence, or both. A few scholars
have suggested that unconscious cognitive bias may better explain such
lapses in judgment, but they have not explained why particular situations
are more likely than others to encourage such bias. This Article seeks to
fill that gap. [. . .]

Judicial Analysis of Complex & Cutting-Edge Science in the Daubert Era: Epidemiologic Risk Assessment as a Test Case for Reform Strategies

by Andrew Jurs

Since Daubert, courts have faced difficulty with screening cutting-edge
scientific evidence pursuant to Federal Rule of Evidence 702. By
inconsistently handling particularly complex epidemiologic studies in
Daubert reviews, judges analyzing this science exposed weaknesses of the
Daubert system. Weaknesses of the Daubert regime include judicial skills
with scientific methods, use of improper bright-line tests, outlier
enhancement of experts, and the incompatibility of some judicial procedure
with science. Each identified issue presents a reason why a judge may
inaccurately evaluate scientific principles. [. . .]

Toward a Better Competition Policy for the Media: The Challenge of Developing Antitrust Policies that Support the Media Sector’s Unique Role in Our Democracy

by Maurice E. Stucke & Allen P. Grunes

It is difficult to formulate meaningful competition policy when there is
a fierce debate over the current competitiveness of the media industry.
After addressing the importance of the marketplace of ideas in our
democracy, this Article examines the current state of the media industry,
including the response of traditional media to audience declines, the
growth of new media, the impact of media consolidation (including its
impact on minority and women ownership), and the role of the Internet. [. . .]

How Business Shapes Law: A Socio-Legal Framework

by Gregory C. Shaffer

Much legal scholarship addresses law in terms of norms and
incentives that affect business and individual behavior. This Article
addresses the mechanisms through which business shapes law. There are
two main ways in which business does so. First, business influences the
public institutions that make and apply law. Second, business creates its
own private legal systems, including private institutions to enforce
privately-made law. These two sources of law, publicly-made and
privately-made, are interpenetrated; they reciprocally and dynamically
affect each other. [. . .]

Picking Friends From the Crowd: Amicus Participation as Political Symbolism

by Omari Scott Simmons

The modern process of amicus curiae participation is a form of political
symbolism reflecting the Supreme Court’s irreconcilable role in American
democracy as a quasi-representative policy-making institution. Specifically,
this political symbolism reassures the public, particularly vulnerable groups,
of the Court’s democratic character. Amicus participation dispels external
public criticism that the Court is detached and indifferent to the public,
without significantly undermining the Court’s independence. Ultimately, the
Court’s institutional legitimacy rests upon the dual pillars of independence
and inclusion. [. . .]

The Inapplicability of the Notice-Prejudice Rule to Pure Claims-Made Insurance Policies

by Jeffrey P. Griffin

The claims-made insurance policy has become the dominant form of
liability insurance, overtaking the once-popular occurrence policy. Due in
part to an easily identifiable coverage trigger and affordable premiums,
the benefits of a claims-made insurance policy are enjoyed by both the
insured and the insurer. A unique type of claims-made policy—the pure
claims-made policy—developed to protect an insured against claims made
during the policy period or soon thereafter, ensuring that coverage is
provided if a claim is made during the final hours of an insured’s policy
period even if it is reported after the expiration of the policy. [. . .]

Revisions of the Thompson Memorandum and Avoiding the Stein Problems: A Review of the Federal Policy on the Prosecution of Business Organizations

by Brendan J. Keefe

Since 1999, the Department of Justice has periodically issued
memoranda instructing United States Attorneys on how to indict business
organizations. These memoranda became constitutionally questionable
after the Enron, WorldCom, and Adelphia scandals. Finally, a federal
district court declared part of one memorandum—known as the Thompson
Memorandum—in conjunction with the way the assistant U.S. attorney
presented the case against certain high-ranking employees of a business
organization, KPMG, LLP, to be in violation of the Fifth and Sixth
Amendments. This case is United States v. Stein. [. . .]

Achieving Meaningful Mortgage Reform

by Jacob Werrett

Recent economic fallout has revealed that the United States mortgage
industry needs reform. Unlike other similar industries, the mortgage
lending industry lacked fundamental safeguards such as centralized
regulation, adequate capital reserves, sufficient insurance backstops, and
strict federal oversight. As a result, loose lending spawned reckless buying
which, in turn, led to financial disaster. In the wake of catastrophe, the
federal government intervened; regardless of whether federal intervention
was necessary to prevent systemic calamity, the solution was insufficient to
create long-term stability and exposed the economy to moral hazard. [. . .]

Identifying Government Speech

by Andy G. Olree

The U.S. Supreme Court has interpreted the Speech Clause of the First
Amendment to mean that when the government distributes money or other
resources to private speakers, it generally may not discriminate among
speakers based on viewpoint. The government is, however, allowed to
express its own viewpoint, even if it enlists the aid of private parties to get
the message out, as long as the communication does not violate some
separate legal restriction, such as the Establishment Clause. Together,
these understandings form the core of what has become known as the
“government speech doctrine.” [. . .]

How to Analyze the Accuracy of Eyewitness Testimony in a Criminal Case

by Richard A. Wise, Clifford S. Fishman & Martin A. Safer

This Article describes a method for analyzing the accuracy of
eyewitness testimony that will significantly enhance the ability of the
criminal justice system to assess eyewitness accuracy. The method
consists of the following components: First, ascertain whether law
enforcement conducted the eyewitness interviews in a manner that
obtained the maximum amount of information from the eyewitness, did not
contaminate the eyewitness’s memory of the crime, or artificially increase
the eyewitness’s confidence. Next, determine whether the identification
procedures in the case were fair and unbiased. [. . .]

Pretend “Gun-Free” School Zones: a Deadly Legal Fiction

by David B. Kopel

Most states issue permits to carry a concealed handgun for lawful
protection to an applicant who is over twenty-one years of age, and who
passes a fingerprint-based background check and a safety class. These
permits allow the person to carry a concealed defensive handgun almost
everywhere in the state. Should professors, school teachers, or adult
college and graduate students who have such permits be allowed to carry
firearms on campus? [. . .]

Demosprudence, Interactive Federalism, and Twenty Years of Sheff v. O’Neill

by Justin R. Long

Professor Lani Guinier and others have recently developed a theory
called “demosprudence” that explains the democracy-enhancing potential
of certain types of U.S. Supreme Court dissents. Separately, state
constitutionalists have described state constitutions’ capacity to offer a
base of resistance against the U.S. Supreme Court’s narrow conception of
individual rights. Applying these two seemingly unrelated theories to
school desegregation litigation in Connecticut and to same-sex marriage
litigation in Iowa, this Essay suggests that certain state constitutional
decisions might function like U.S. Supreme Court dissents to enhance
democratic activism. In this way, interactive federalism might usefully
serve as a category of demosprudence. [. . .]

Good Faith Rejection of Goods in a Falling Market

by Jeffrey M. Dressler

This Note analyzes the intersection of two fundamental components of
American sales law under the Uniform Commercial Code: the perfect
tender rule and the duty of good faith. It focuses on cases in which buyers
of goods use their right to perfect tender to avoid purchasing goods that
have become diminished in value. Some commentators, and, indeed, some
courts, have argued that such conduct runs afoul of parties’ underlying
duty of good faith in the performance of contracts. This Note rejects this
position, and, instead, argues that if goods are truly non-conforming—even
if only “trivially” non-conforming—buyers should retain their right of
rejection irrespective of the hardship this may impose on the seller of
goods. [. . .]

Crisis Compounded by Constraint: How Regulatory Inadequacies Impaired the Fed’s Bailout of Bear Stearns

by Bryan J. Orticelli

This Note explores the failure of the investment bank Bear Stearns
within the context of the greater financial crisis that began in the summer
of 2007, largely as a result of the widespread collapse of the market for
subprime mortgage-backed securities. Specifically, this Note discusses in
detail the circumstances surrounding the fall of Bear Stearns, the
unprecedented measures taken by the Federal Reserve to avoid a
disorderly breakup of the firm, and the policy implications of the Fed’s
actions for the future of investment bank regulation. By devoting
particular attention to the Fed’s response to Bear Stearns’s liquidity crisis,
which peaked in March of 2008, this Note seeks to elaborate on the
statutory provisions utilized by the Fed in the “unusual and exigent”
situation presented by the Bear Stearns predicament. [. . .]

The Role of Parents Involved In the College Admissions Process

by Michael P. Pohorylo

After the U.S. Supreme Court decided the 2003 University of Michigan
affirmative action cases, the law concerning the use of race-based
affirmative action programs in the college admissions process seemed to
be settled for the next few decades. However, in 2007, the Supreme Court
once again revisited the use of race-based affirmative action, this time at
the K–12 level, and subtly, yet significantly, altered how the law will treat
challenges to affirmative action programs in higher education. [. . .]

Dangers in Prescription Drugs: Filling a Private Law Gap in the Healthcare Debate

by David G. Owen

The healthcare debate raging in this nation largely ignores the role of
private law in healthcare reform. One aspect of private law occasionally
included in the discussion is how medical malpractice litigation may raise
healthcare costs, by increasing the cost of liability insurance for medical
providers and encouraging them to practice “defensive medicine.” Yet,
another aspect of private law affecting health care in America remains
outside the current debate—the responsibility of makers and sellers of
prescription drugs for harm caused by the dangers such drugs contain. [. . .]

End the Failed Chevron Experiment Now: How Chevron Has Failed and Why It Can and Should be Overruled

by Jack M. Beermann

In Chevron U.S.A., Inc. v. NRDC, decided in 1984, the U.S. Supreme
Court announced a startling new approach to judicial review of statutory
interpretation by administrative agencies, which requires courts to defer to
agency interpretations of ambiguous statutes. Although it was perhaps
hoped that Chevron would simplify judicial review and increase deference
to agency interpretation, the opposite has occurred. Chevron has
complicated judicial review and, at best, it is uncertain whether it has
resulted in increased deference to agency interpretation. [. . .]

Private Force / Public Goods

by Scott M. Sullivan

This Article rethinks the benefits and dangers of private force in war.
It shows that privatization must be viewed within the special requirements
and confines of national security policy making and weighed against
available alternatives. Contrary to academic and mainstream
conventional wisdom, this Article concludes that national security
privatization comports well with core constitutional and democratic
principles and offers greater transparency and democratic control than
commonly understood. Moreover, this Article argues that the American
use of privatized force reflects and accomplishes normative and
democratic commitments of international and domestic law that would be
impossible to replicate through other policy avenues. [. . .]

Justice Sonia Sotomayor and the Relationship between Leagues and Players: Insights and Implications

by Michael A. McCann

This Essay examines U.S. Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor’s
important role in shaping U.S. sports law. As a judge on the U.S. District
Court for the Southern District of New York and later on the U.S. Court of
Appeals for the Second Circuit, Sotomayor authored opinions that resolved
two major sports law disputes: whether Major League Baseball owners
could unilaterally impose new labor conditions on players during the 1994
baseball strike and whether Ohio State University sophomore Maurice
Clarett was obligated to wait three years from the completion of high
school to become eligible for the National Football League draft. [. . .]

Jeff Benedict’s Little Pink House: The Back Story of the Kelo Case

by George Lefcoe

Little Pink House is a fast paced account by Jeff Benedict of the events surrounding the 2005 U.S. Supreme Court decision in Kelo v. City of New London. At the core of the tale is how Kelo and a handful of her neighbors challenged the New London Development Corporation’s (“NLDC”) use of eminent domain for the economic redevelopment of the Fort Trumbull neighborhood. A libertarian-inspired public interest law firm named the Institute for Justice (“IJ”) agreed to represent the beleaguered property owners. IJ challenged the notion that economic development could be regarded as a public use. IJ also unfurled an effective national public relations campaign against what it dubs eminent domain abuse. Benedict gives us front row seats to see how the media drama unfolded. [. . .]

Bona Fide Protection: Fulfilling Cercla’s Legislative Purpose by Applying Differing Definitions of “Disposal”

by Emilee Mooney Scott

In the late 1970s, the Love Canal disaster brought toxic contamination
into the American consciousness as never before. In response, Congress
passed the Comprehensive Environmental Response and Liability Act of
1980 (“CERCLA”), with the aim of cleaning up contaminated sites and
making the polluters pay. Unfortunately, the draconian liability scheme
imposed by CERCLA has made investors wary of redeveloping possibly
contaminated industrial property. To combat this problem, Congress
passed the Small Business Liability Relief and Brownfields Revitalization
Act. The Brownfields Act amends CERCLA to provide liability protection
for landowners who would otherwise be liable, but who did not own the
land in question at the time of disposal of hazardous substances. [. . .]

The Connecticut Evidence Code and the Separation of Powers

by Ailla Wasstrom-Welz

Connecticut enacted its first formal evidence code in 2000. Initially,
the rules set forth in the evidence code were understood as binding and not
subject to appellate court revision. However, in State v. DeJesus, a 2008
Connecticut Supreme Court decision, the court held otherwise. The
DeJesus court interpreted the plain language and history of the code as not
intending to bind the appellate courts. The plurality went on, in dicta, to
conclude that such a holding was necessary to preserve the
constitutionality of the code. The plurality asserted that the superior court
judges, in their rulemaking capacity as delegated to them by the
legislature, lack the constitutional authority to bind the appellate courts to
such a code. [. . .]

Four-Day Work Weeks: Current Research and Practice

by Rex L. Facer II & Lori L. Wadsworth

This Article addresses two issues relating to compressed work weeks.
First, we present the findings of our research on four-day work weeks.
Second, we discuss the practice of compressed work weeks, including an
implementation framework and specific results from Utah’s
implementation of a four-day work week for state employees.
The authors’ research on alternative work schedules stems from three
major projects. First, the original study focused on one city using a four-day
work week. [. . .]

How and Why Flexible Work Weeks Came About

by Riva Poor

Connecticut Law Review is pleased to include this Essay authored by
Riva Poor, whose 1970 book—4 days, 40 hours: Reporting a Revolution in
Work and Leisure—played an important role in early experimentation
with work weeks other than the traditional five-day, forty-hour week,
experiments that today encompass nearly one-third of the United States’
work force. Drawing on her research for the book and on her many
decades as a management consultant, this Essay outlines a multitude of
contexts in which the needs of organizations, as well as those of their
employees, have been better served by the organizations’ adoption of nontraditional work schedules. [. . .]

The Four-Day Work Week: Old Lessons, New Questions

by Robert C. Bird

The four-day work week is quickly gaining popularity. The
blogosphere is alive with pages describing numerous benefits and
recommending it as a practice whose time has come. With Utah’s
adoption of the four-day work week, as well as numerous government and
private entities considering the shift, “Thank God It’s Thursday” appears
poised to become a characteristic of the modern workplace.
Not so fast. The fact remains that the four-day work week is not
particularly novel, questionably beneficial, and far from inevitable.
Academics and practitioners alike were no less enthusiastic about the four day work week in the early 1970s. [. . .]

Incenting Flexibility: The Relationship Between Public Law and Voluntary Action in Enhancing Work/Life Balance

by Rachel Arnow-Richman

This Article examines the significance of the 4/40 work week to caregivers
in need of individualized workplace accommodation. Employer interest in
4/40 and other alternative work structures demonstrates that the current
organization of market work is not inevitable and that its re-organization in
ways that facilitate full participation by caregivers can sometimes be mutually beneficial. Yet it is unlikely that employers act optimally in responding to individual accommodation requests. Well-known limits on individuals’ ability to exercise rational choice can impede supervisory determinations as to whether a particular accommodation will effectively enable the caregiver to perform her job and whether the costs entailed in adopting the accommodation will be outweighed by other savings. Thus, it is likely that some number of viable, cost-effective accommodations are not being implemented by employers. [. . .]

The Four-Day Work Week: But What About Ms. Coke, Ms. Upton, and Ms. Blankenship?

by Shirley Lung

The work/family conflicts of poor and low-income women remain
invisible in mainstream discussions about reform of working hours.
“Family-friendly” reforms such as compressed work weeks, part-time jobs,
reduced hours, and other alternative work schedules largely address the
interests of professional women who are in a position to trade income for
time. This Article suggests ways of expanding work/family discussions to
address the needs of poor and low-income women who are immigrants,
single parents, and involuntary part-time workers who labor in low-wage
industries such as home care, clerical services, and office cleaning. The
Article begins by examining gaps in the current discourse that reinforce
racial and class hierarchies among women and families. [. . .]

Unpaid Furloughs and Four-Day Work Weeks: Employer Sympathy or a Call for Collective Employee Action?

by Michael Z. Green

In these tough economic times, employers have responded by pursuing
four-day work weeks and other mechanisms that change the components of the standard five-day work week. Although four-day work weeks provide some savings in the form of reduced operating and energy costs and have received recent notice for also being family-friendly and environmentally friendly, current dismal economic prospects have inspired employers to pursue other work week changes to achieve further savings. Furloughs, also referred to as unpaid days off, represent a form of a reduced work week as employees do not work during their furloughed time and receive no income for those hours. Furloughs have become more prevalent as employers have offered this option to employees as a major cost-cutting action and as a unique response to the current recession. [. . .]

A Purpose for Every Time? The Timing and Length of the Work Week and the Implications for Worker Well-Being

by Lonnie Golden

Would replacing the conventional work week with a four-day option
benefit economic performance and well-being? In the framework of
economics, the question is whether work week reform can make some
individuals better off without making other individuals worse off in ways that do not hamper other goals such as efficiency, economic growth, and equity. Social and individual welfare outcomes would depend on whether reforming the work week involves shortening the length of the work day versus rearranging the timing of work. The “public good” case for a policy that induces shorter hours of work per employee is a logical extension from evidence of the adverse effects stemming from excessively long hours of work on workers’ stress, work/life balance, and productivity per hour. [. . .]

Feminism and Workplace Flexibility

by Vicki Schultz

Recently Professors Schultz and Hoffman argued that, in order to
achieve gender equality at work and at home, scholars and policy makers
should consider adopting measures to bring the weekly working hours for
both employees who work very long hours at one full-time job and
employees who work fewer than full-time hours at one or more jobs into
closer convergence toward a more reasonable, family-friendly mean.
Today, changed economic conditions have made the idea of a reduced, or
reorganized, work week a rational, pragmatic solution to a pressing
problem, rather than the politically impractical idea it seemed to be just a
few years ago. [. . .]

What a Difference a Day Makes, or Does It? Work/Family Balance and the Four-Day Work Week

by Michelle A. Travis

This Article considers the growing reliance that four-day work week
advocates have placed on work/family claims. It begins by analyzing
whether a compressed work schedule may alleviate work/family conflicts,
and more importantly, for whom such benefits are most likely to accrue.
While studies consistently find that many workers experience lower levels
of work/family conflict when working a compressed schedule, the research
also suggests that workers with the most acute work/family conflicts may
be the least likely either to obtain or to benefit from a four-day work week
design. Nevertheless, the political climate surrounding the four-day work
week provides a unique opportunity for action. [. . .]

Sprawl, Family Rhythms, and the Four-Day Work Week

by Katharine B. Silbaugh

We evaluate the four-day work week against the background of other
institutional and social practices and constraints. But we fix these other
variables when considering the value of this work reform. For example,
workers enjoy the commute time and expense savings associated with a
four-day week. These savings would mean little if the commutes in
question were negligible. Therefore, the value of the four-day work week
depends in part on the social history that gave us increasingly substantial
commutes. This Article seeks to highlight some of the institutional
practices that influence the adoption of a four-day work week, particularly
those associated with sprawl. [. . .]

Dilemmas of Value in Post-Industrial Economies: Retrieving Clock Time Through the Four-Day Work Week?

by Emily Grabham

This Essay approaches the four-day work week from a feminist labor
law perspective. Ostensibly, progressive measures such as this provide the
potential for working women to better balance their “home” and “work”
lives. The reality, however, for a great number of low-income and
marginally employed women in post-industrial economies in the United
States and United Kingdom is far bleaker than such an analysis suggests.
For the underclass of women workers, measures adjusting the working day
or working week have little relevance because these workers have
irregular hours and little employment protection. [. . .]

Female Infertility in the Workplace: Understanding the Scope of the Pregnancy Discrimination Act

by Jeanne Hayes

Pregnancy discrimination was once used to marginalize female
workers. Today, infertility discrimination is used in much the same way.
Employers often refuse to accommodate infertile women who request time
off to undergo fertility treatments, forcing them to choose between family
and work. Employers have even terminated infertile women because of
their potential to strain company resources over a prolonged period of
time. In addition, employer-funded health plans rarely provide coverage
for fertility treatments, leaving infertile working women at a disadvantage
compared to their pregnant counterparts. [. . .]

Power Forward: The Argument for a National RPS

by Lincoln L. Davies

The debate over a national renewable energy requirement has lost its
way. Perhaps one of the most important legislative proposals in recent
memory because it could transform the United States’ energy
infrastructure, this “renewable portfolio standard” or “RPS” would likely
compel electric utilities to obtain one-fifth of their power from renewable
resources. Yet the discourse over this proposal has veered from the core
question it raises. With thirty-six state RPSs already in place, the key issue
is not whether there should be an RPS at all but whether a state or federal
regime will best accomplish the RPS’s objectives. This Article concludes
that the evidence overwhelmingly points to the need for a national law. [. . .]

Moving Power Forward: Creating a Forward-Looking Energy Policy Based on a National RPS

by Joshua P. Fershee

In Power Forward: The Argument for a National RPS, Professor
Lincoln L. Davies provides a comprehensive and compelling argument for
a national renewable portfolio standard (“RPS”). This Commentary
Article reviews Professor Davies’ assumptions and conclusions and places
his RPS analysis in context within the broader energy and environmental
debate. Beyond expanding renewable energy generation and shifting away
from fossil fuels, RPS legislation is often motivated by additional goals:
addressing climate change, improving national security, and promoting
economic development. [. . .]

The Limits of a National Renewable Portfolio Standard

by Jim Rossi

In this Commentary Article, Professor Rossi highlights some of the
distributional and operational problems presented by a national renewable
portfolio standard (“RPS”) in electric power. He also offers several
solutions to these problems as a way of advancing a cautionary defense of
a national RPS. Ultimately, Professor Rossi concludes that addressing
climate change will need to involve more systemic and larger scale
modifications to regulation of the electric power industry. [. . .]

The Political Barriers to a National RPS

by David B. Spence

A national renewable portfolio standard (“RPS”) represents one way
to move the American economy toward cleaner sources of energy. By
requiring electricity providers to secure a specified percentage of their
power from renewable sources, a national RPS would replace some fossil-fueled power with cleaner power from solar, wind, biomass, and other
renewable energy sources. As such, it represents one tool policy makers
can use to reduce American emissions of greenhouse gases, which drive
climate change. At the same time, a national RPS imposes its own costs—
costs that make passage of a national RPS politically difficult. [. . .]

Johnny-Come-Lately: Practical Considerations of a National RPS

by Lynn M. Fountain

The debate as to whether the United States should adopt a national
renewable portfolio standard (“RPS”) has persisted for years. During this
time, the states, largely through their adoption of state-level RPSs, have
laid the foundation needed for the creation of a viable renewable energy
market. Proponents of a national RPS argue that its enactment is a
necessary step toward solving the energy-related challenges faced by the
United States. This Commentary Article concludes that a national RPS—
arriving at this late stage—may do more to slow the momentum toward the
development of a renewable energy industry. [. . .]

Lovable Pirates? The Legal Implications of the Battle Between Environmentalists and Whalers in the Southern Ocean

by Amanda M. Caprari

The International Whaling Commission has banned commercial
whaling by member nations since 1986. Although a member of this
Commission, Japan has continued its whaling practices under the guise of
scientific research, hunting hundreds of whales every season in the
Antarctic waters. The Sea Shepherd Conservation Society, a radical
environmentalist group, has declared war on the Japanese whaling fleet
and mounted a campaign to attack the Japanese whaling fleet using nonlethal-tactics. The environmentalists and whalers are now locked in a
bitter battle in the Southern Ocean, where there is little enforcement of
domestic and international law. [. . .]

Lawyers Gone Wild: Are Depositions Still a “Civil” Procedure?

by Eric B. Miller

Depositions are an extremely effective and widely used discovery
device. Unfortunately, attorneys and litigants seeking to frustrate their
opponents often abuse the deposition process by using obstructionist, or
“Rambo,” tactics. This Note examines different types of deposition
misconduct and the different approaches courts have used to remedy these problems. This Note then looks at deposition misconduct in Connecticut and the sanctioning power of its state courts. [. . .]

Want to see more Print Edition Articles? Head to the archives.

Please reload

© 2018 by Connecticut Law Review. 

  • LinkedIn Social Icon
  • Twitter Social Icon